Download Citation on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Loic Wacquant and others published From slavery to mass incarceration: Rethinking the “race question”. According to Wacquant, an unforeseen by-product of chattel slavery was the Institutions in U.S. History: “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”. Of the supplementary readings provided, I found “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration” by Loïc Wacquant the most intriguing. This particular.
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Takaki, Violence in the Black Imagination: Excluded from schools, relegated to menial and casual jobs, subjected to widespread physical persecution, they were deprived of the vote and denied citizenship by the U.
Loic Wacquant: From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. New Left Review 13, January-February
Federal Loid New York: Continued state toleration and vigorous white support from below for rigid racial segregation in housing during the second half of the twentieth century are vividly recounted in David L.
The result is that siblings could belong to different racial categories and that individuals could engage a bureaucratic procedure to be reclassified up in a triadic racial schema about a thousand did loiic every year in the stwo things that the dichotomous American system based on ancestry forbids. This suggests that slavery and mass imprisonment are genealogically linked and that one cannot understand the latter—its timing, composition, and smooth onset as incarceeration as the quiet ignorance or acceptance of its deleterious effects on those it affects—without returning to the former as historic starting point and functional analogue.
Comparative and Cross-National Perspectivesed.
Here we have blacks developing parallel institutional networks both for their own creative, socio-political, and cultural purposes and for protection against the dominant society. They are more helplessly imprisoned as a subordinate caste, a caste of people deemed to be lacking a cultural past and assumed to imcarceration incapable of a cultural future.
For more information, see our privacy statement. Miller, Search and Destroy: Race as Civic Felony. From the outset, white ethnic neighborhoods and dark ghetto displayed divergent structures as they served antinomic purposes: Gardner, and Mary R. Surviving Prisons Indianapolis, IN: They were temporary and mobile clusters born of sociocultural affinity, kinship ties, and occupational concentration.
FROM SLAVERY TO MASS INCARCERATION
Princeton University Press, University of California Press, Jim Crow South, — Like slavery, sharecropping is not in itself a racial institution; it is an organizational device for the extraction of feom labor that was applied to Southern whites as well.
Essays and Documents Slabery York: Indentured labourers from Europe and native Indians were not enslaved because slaveey their greater capacity to resist and because their servitude would have impeded future immigration as well as rapidly exhausted a limited supply of labour.
By the end of the seventies, then, as the racial and class backlash against the democratic advances won by the social movements of the preceding decade got into full swing, the prison abruptly returned to the forefront of American society and offered itself as the universal and simplex solution to all manners of social problems. Inthe U.
The prison then takes its place among the other peculiar race-producing institutions in U. The hard work for civil rights during the 60s, including the right to vote, finally paid off. Cities, Race, and Poverty in the United Stateseds.
Blacks had to dine, travel, drink, swim, worship and so forth in separate facilities from their white counterparts. A rampart and cordon sanitaire erected by the superordinate category, it forms a stockade sheltering the lifeworld of the outcast community from the most brutal intrusion and dictates of its antagonist.
The very ferocity of Jim Crow on both the labor and the ostracization fronts sowed the seeds of its eventual ruin, for blacks had virtually no room for effective resistance and voice within it. They neither replicated the organizations of the country of origin nor perpetuated social isolation and cultural distinctiveness. Beacon Press,and Ivan Hannaford, Race: This helps explain that, whatever its origin, the inarceration disgrace of the confined transfers onto the place to which they are assigned: The Emancipation Wacqant occurs inand this newly gained pseudo freedom for blacks, confronts white society with two major issues: To do justice to the complexity, versatility, and contradictions of each of waquant institutions, let alone the linkages and transitions between them, requires ot book which is in progress.
In the eyes poic unpoor Englishmen the poor bore many of the marks of an alien race. Thus in the U. In four short decades the ethnic composition of the U. The first was the economic crisis of cotton agriculture caused by the boll weevil and later by mechanization, as well as arrested urbanization in the South due to the industrial underdevelopment of the region.
They were accordingly deprived of the right to vote in the self-appointed cradle of democracy until for residents of the Southern states. In all other comparable societies born of the combination of colonial migration and African slavery, such as Brazil, the islands of the Caribbean, and South Africa, racial classification admits of intermediate categories and allows a modicum of mobility, within and across generations, along a color continuum defined primarily by phenotype.
Indeed, Indians performed an indispensable role as procurers and intermediaries in the vast fur trade that boosted the initial accumulation of capital vital to the colonial enterprise.
To make this website work, we log user data and share it with processors. This matchless conception wcquant blackness arose in the American South to anchor the institution of slavery and spread nationwide in support of caste rule after abolition.
The Negroes do not, like the Japanese and the Chinese, have a politically organized nation and an accepted culture of their own outside of America to fall back upon. Yet they remained locked in a precarious position of structural economic marginality and consigned to a secluded and dependent microcosm, complete with its own internal division of labour, social stratification, and agencies of collective voice and symbolic representation: Jim Crow South, It is mwss formed of the same four fundamental constituents—stigma, coercion, physical enclosure and organizational parallelism and insulation—that make up a ghetto, and for similar purposes.
In most Southern states, the sharecropping contract had this further peculiarity that it could be enforced by the planter in criminal rather than civil court: